Exile, Migration, and the Struggle for Representation: 1901–1965

William L. Dawson was born in Albany, Georgia, in 1886, and grew up in the Jim Crow South. By the time he was a teenager, the defeat of Reconstruction and the consolidation of power by Democrats committed to White supremacy had severely restricted life in Black communities throughout the region. In the early twentieth century, Dawson joined the legions of African Americans seeking a better life elsewhere. In 1905, he enrolled at Fisk University in Nashville, Tennessee. He graduated from the historically Black institution and later moved to Chicago, where he worked as a Pullman porter and earned a law degree. He went on to serve as a U.S. Army officer in World War I.1

Dawson’s personal journey converged with the experiences of tens of thousands of African Americans who departed southern states in the Great Migration. During the early decades of the twentieth century, Black communities grew in northern and midwestern cities such as New York, New York; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; Detroit, Michigan; and Chicago, Illinois. There, Black people found some relief from Jim Crow—jobs, schools, and the freedom of movement that was so often restricted in the South. But they never completely escaped discrimination, nor fully exercised basic civil and political rights. Black Americans routinely found segregated housing, unequal pay, and significant barriers to participating in representative democracy no matter where they settled in the United States.

William L. Dawson of Illinois/tiles/non-collection/B/BAIC22-Essay2_01_Dawson_NARA.xml Image courtesy of the National Archives and Records Administration Representative William L. Dawson of Illinois chaired the Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments, later known as the Committee on Government Operations, for 10 nonconsecutive terms beginning in the 81st Congress (1949–1951). Dawson was the first Black Member to chair a House standing committee.
The same discriminatory forces that caused Dawson and thousands of other Black Americans to leave the South also led to the complete disappearance of Black lawmakers on Capitol Hill. The once-promising era of Reconstruction gave way to a steady decline in the number of Black Americans elected to Congress in the late nineteenth century. Following the departure of George Henry White of North Carolina in 1901, no Black American was elected to Congress until 1928. This extended exile from the national legislature endured for nearly three decades, transcended regional boundaries, and mirrored a decline in Black state and local officeholders in the South. There, Jim Crow and state governments perpetuated White supremacy by law. In the North, district boundaries, subtle and explicit discrimination, and party politics conspired against Black candidates in rural and urban congressional districts alike. Thus, even though African Americans found access to the ballot when they left the South, they still found themselves excluded from Congress. Despite the obstacles arrayed against them, Black Americans consistently sought ways to influence the political process from outside the halls of power and continued to try to win election to local, state, and federal offices.

In Chicago during the 1920s, William Dawson joined an emerging cohort of Black Republicans seeking to gain political access and patronage amid the Great Migration. The city’s ward system created opportunities for local leaders who could marshal the votes of their communities. Dawson campaigned for candidates, was elected as an alderman in 1935, and twice pursued the Republican nomination for Illinois’s First District in the U.S. House of Representatives.

Dawson spent much of the Great Depression during the 1930s building a base of local support. His Republican political career plateaued, however, as scores of Black Chicagoans embraced the Democratic Party of Franklin D. Roosevelt, which offered them a modicum of relief from the ravages of the Depression. It was not long before Dawson joined them by switching his party allegiance. In 1942, Dawson was elected to the House as a Democrat and firmly secured control of patronage in Chicago’s second ward. In a congressional career that spanned nearly three decades, Dawson became the most powerful Black Member of Congress to that point in U.S. history. He amassed seniority, worked closely with Democratic leadership, and was the first Black American to chair a House standing committee.

Oscar De Priest of Illinois/tiles/non-collection/B/BAIC22-Essay2_02_DePriest_standing_LC.xml Image courtesy of the Library of Congress Oscar De Priest of Illinois stands outside the Capitol. After a 28-year absence of Black representation in Congress, De Priest represented a Chicago district from 1929 to 1935.
Whether he was in Georgia, Illinois, or on Capitol Hill, segregation and discrimination marred Dawson’s personal and professional experiences. Through it all, he set a new standard for Black Americans in the legislative branch, became a trusted ally and party stalwart, and achieved real power through his control of the House Committee on Government Operations. This mixture of power and limitations, visibility and isolation, made Dawson’s life and career a microcosm of the uniquely American dilemma that other Black lawmakers confronted during this era.

This essay explores the many contradictory experiences of Black Americans on and off Capitol Hill during the first six decades of the twentieth century, a period marked by migration and the struggle to overcome political exclusion. While 22 Black Members were elected to Congress in the final 30 years of the nineteenth century—all from southern states—Dawson was one of only eight African Americans elected to the House from 1901 to 1965 from industrial cities in the North and West.

Dawson was not the first Black politician sent to Congress during the period. Indeed, Black Americans hailed their return to Capitol Hill with the 1928 election of Oscar De Priest, a Chicago Republican. In the 1930s and 1940s, a small number of Black Representatives made modest gains in the legislative branch, though it was not until 1945 when two Black Members once again served simultaneously in Congress. Following World War II, incremental gains in Black representation in Congress coincided with the first significant civil rights legislation since Reconstruction. At the same time, segregationist southern Democrats steadily amassed influence in Congress through seniority and committee chairmanships. They grasped the reins of power in the House and Senate, and for decades used parliamentary maneuvers to delay bills, disrupt the legislative process, and stifle calls for reform.

Thanks to the extraordinary efforts of social movement activists, however, the era culminated in the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of1965, which expanded the role of the federal government in guaranteeing individual rights across the United States and altered the social and political landscape of the South. Black Members supported the goals of the postwar civil rights movement and labored from inside the halls of power to ensure that new legislation would deliver meaningful results. The cumulative struggles of six decades produced a dramatic ending to this era—one that fundamentally transformed democracy in the United States and the story of Black Americans in Congress.

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Footnotes

1Christopher Manning, William L. Dawson and the Limits of Black Electoral Leadership (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2009): 12–13, 20, 25, 30–36; “Dawson Sees Victory Sign of Loyalty,” 14 November 1942, Chicago Defender: 3.