Sue Myrick, an advertising executive and former
mayor of Charlotte, won election to the U.S. House
of Representatives in 1994 as part of the “Republican
Revolution” that saw the party capture the House majority
for the first time in four decades. One of the leaders of the
large GOP freshman class in the 104th Congress (1995–1997), Myrick acted as a liaison between the leadership and
a core group of conservatives and earned a powerful position
on the Rules Committee. “I’ve never been called a moderate
before in my life,” Myrick once said. “I am a strong
conservative.”1
Yet her personal battle with breast cancer led
her to cross party lines, becoming one of the chief legislative
proponents of bipartisan programs to combat the disease.
Sue Myrick was born Suellen Wilkins in Tiffin, Ohio, on
August 1, 1941, to William and Margaret Wilkins—one of
four children.2
She graduated from Port Clinton High School
in Port Clinton, Ohio, in 1959, and attended Heidelberg
College for two years. Myrick married broadcaster Jim
Forest, raised two sons, Daniel and Gregory, and was later
divorced.3
Employed in a variety of jobs, she was an executive
secretary for the Alliance, Ohio, mayor’s office, worked
for the Ohio court of juvenile and domestic relations, and
became a television personality in Harrisonburg, Virginia. In
the early 1970s, she and her family relocated to Charlotte,
North Carolina, where she switched careers, eventually
running her own advertising companies. In 1977 she married
William Edward (Ed) Myrick, who brought three of his own
children to the marriage.4
Sue Myrick entered politics after she and her husband had
a dispute with the Charlotte city council over a proposed
property purchase. The experience convinced Myrick that
government played a more immediate part in her life than
she had previously believed.5
In 1983 she won a seat on the
city council as an at-large member, serving until 1985 when
she made an unsuccessful bid to become Charlotte’s mayor.
Two years later, however, she defeated the incumbent—Charlotte’s first African-American mayor, Harvey Gantt—to
become the city’s first female mayor. During her two terms
from 1987 to 1991, Myrick made major transportation and
infrastructure improvements to Charlotte—the state’s biggest
city and its financial hub—and enacted programs to fight
drugs and crime. She also helped lure a professional football
franchise to the city. Myrick tried to shape her own approach
to government after former British Prime Minister Margaret
Thatcher who had led a conservative revolution in English
politics. “She stands up for what she believes and will fight for what is right, no matter the odds stacked against her,”
Myrick explained to the Charlotte Observer.6
Myrick turned her attention toward national office in
the early 1990s starting with an unsuccessful bid for the
Republican nomination for a U.S. Senate seat. Under the
slogan, “Senator Sue in ’92,” she and local businessman,
Duncan McLauchlin (Lauch) Faircloth, rose to the top
of a four-way race. Claiming to “represent the average
person rather than lobbyist[s] and bureaucrats,” Myrick
criticized Faircloth’s use of his personal wealth to finance his
campaign. Faircloth, who had the support of sitting GOP
Senator Jesse Helms, questioned Myrick’s populist message,
given that she was a millionaire. At the height of the
contentious campaign, Myrick interrupted a Faircloth press
conference, publicly challenging her flustered opponent to
a debate. Faircloth prevailed in the GOP primary with 48
percent of the vote (Myrick won 30 percent) and won the
Senate seat that November.7
Two years later, five-term Republican Representative John
Alexander (Alex) McMillan III announced his retirement
from a House seat representing a conservative area of
Charlotte and Gastonia in south-central North Carolina.
Myrick, who many counted out following her bruising
Senate primary loss, entered the five-candidate GOP
primary. Her name recognition as well as her campaign’s early
organization soon vaulted her to the top of the field.8
Myrick
took 30 percent of the vote on the May 3, 1994 primary, just
ahead of North Carolina state house minority leader David
Balmer who garnered 26 percent. Because no candidate
won 40 percent of the vote, North Carolina law required a
runoff at the end of May.9
Myrick campaigned vigorously
while Balmer’s campaign began to flounder after accusations
that he padded his résumé. The runoff was scheduled for the
Tuesday after Memorial Day, and amid concerns about low
turnout, Myrick encouraged voters to “prove them wrong …
when we honor those who fought and died to guarantee that
right [to vote].”10 Myrick captured the nomination with 68
percent of the vote, and easily defeated Democrat Rory Blake
with 65 percent of the vote in the general election.11 In her
subsequent nine re-elections, Myrick won by comfortable
margins of 63 percent or more.12
During her first term in the 104th Congress, Myrick
received assignments to three committees: Budget; Science;
and Small Business. Though Myrick sought a position on
the tax-writing Ways and Means Committee, the Budget
Committee assignment proved powerful for a freshman
lawmaker.13 She left those panels in the 105th Congress
(1997–1999) when she received a seat on the prestigious
House Rules Committee—which structured House Floor
debate for all legislation. By the 108th Congress (2003–2005), she served as vice chair of Rules’s Technology and the
House Subcommittee. Citing a desire to get more involved
with the “front end” of legislating, Myrick traded her Rules
Committee seat for one on the Energy and Commerce
Committee in the 109th Congress (2005–2007). Her battle
with breast cancer also inspired her to move to the Energy
and Commerce because its jurisdiction included health care.
She picked up an additional assignment to the Permanent
Select Intelligence Committee in the 111th Congress
(2009–2011). Myrick chaired that panel’s Terrorism,
Human Intelligence, Analysis, and Counterintelligence
Subcommittee in her final term in office.14
Myrick’s fight to lower taxes and reduce spending
defined her congressional career. Part of the “Republican
Revolution”—the 1994 class of new GOP lawmakers who
helped their party win the House majority for the first time in
more than 40 years—Myrick arrived in Washington vowing
to “fundamentally change how Congress does business.”
For Myrick, that meant frank discussions on taxation and
government spending. “It’s time to call an increase an
increase, a tax a tax, and a cut a cut,” she declared.15 From
her seat on the Budget Committee and then the Rules
Committee, Myrick helped implement the House GOP’s
ambitious agenda called “Contract with America,” personally
focusing on welfare reform, and shaping the 1997 balanced
budget—the first balanced budget in nearly 30 years. Myrick
later referenced that moment as a high point of her career.16
Myrick’s experience with advertising meant that she was
a frequent spokesperson for the conservative wing of her
party. Myrick met regularly with key GOP leaders to discuss
legislation and the ambitions of her large class of first-term
lawmakers.17 “I think she has done a good job,” noted fellow
freshman Republican Linda Smith of Washington in 1995.
“Sue’s a lot more cautious than I am. I probably would have
killed leadership a few times this year.”18 During her House
career, Myrick chaired the Republican Study Committee, a
group of several dozen of the chamber’s most conservative
Members. She also worked for the Republican Conference’s
Communications Working Group. In 2010 Myrick also
joined the conservative Tea Party Caucus.19
Yet Myrick’s dedication to reducing government spending
eventually meant abandoning “caution,” a move that put her at odds with congressional Republican leadership. When
House leaders scheduled debate on appropriations bills
that Myrick and her fellow freshman conservatives found
“halfhearted in their spending cuts,” she was among those
who fought back. When she refused to vote in favor of a
rule to call up the measures for debate—a decision Myrick
described as “a real no-no” with her House superiors—she
pointed to the early career of Speaker Newt Gingrich of
Georgia. “I looked back at what Newt had done when he
was a back-bencher and I didn’t feel guilty,” she observed.
“And we sent a message that we would not be taken for
granted.”20 In 1997 she was part of a small group of frustrated
Republicans, disappointed by the slow pace of change since
1995, who sought to replace Speaker Gingrich.21 The group
was unsuccessful and when Myrick sought a leadership
position as Republican Conference Chair that same year, the
conference chose Gingrich ally, Ohio Representative Deborah
D. Pryce, instead.22 In 1998, following Gingrich’s resignation
as Speaker, Myrick ran for vice chair of the Conference,
but lost in a four-way race.23 Myrick also sponsored a rules
change in the 108th Congress to curb the power of House
Appropriations subcommittee chairs in her own party to
rein in congressional spending.24 “We have put up with this
spending, very frankly, for the last few years and none of us
feel good about it,” Myrick noted in 2004.25
Following the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001,
Myrick, as chair of the Terrorism, Human Intelligence,
Analysis and Counterintelligence Subcommittee (part of the
Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence), was one of
the most outspoken Members on America’s national security
vulnerabilities. She cofounded the House Anti-Terrorism
Caucus and called for investigations into certain foreign
policy groups, including the Council on American-Islamic
Relations, which she accused of harboring “spies.”26 She also
sought to cancel student visas from Saudi Arabia. In 2011
she expressed concern over Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood,
castigating the Barack Obama administration for labeling it
a “largely secular” political organization.27
Myrick was attentive to the needs of her North Carolina
district. To reduce unemployment in the ailing North
Carolina textile industry, she threatened to block President
George W. Bush from fast-tracking trade agreements
until his administration pledged to protect domestic
textile manufactures. Myrick’s hometown of Charlotte
housed the headquarters for major financial institutions.
Though she was initially among 25 Republicans who voted
against a $700 billion rescue plan for U.S. banks amid
the financial services collapse in 2008, she switched her
vote when a second version came to the floor. She claimed
conversations with her constituents, who could not access
credit, convinced her to change her vote. “I talked to people
I trust,” she noted, “good solid businesses. They could not
get credit.”28 Following the disappearance of an 18-year-old college student in North Carolina, Myrick also passed
legislation to create a national clearinghouse for information
on missing adults.29 Her social agenda also reflected her
constituents’ support for prayer in public schools and
opposition to abortion.30
A personal battle with breast cancer inspired Myrick
to champion bipartisan efforts to fight the disease.
Myrick underwent surgery in December 1999, and while
receiving six months of treatment, she could be seen
donning a pink surgical mask on the House Floor to avoid
infection.31 Myrick’s successful battle against breast cancer
reoriented her legislative focus. “It’s made me more aware
of the issues people face,” Myrick admitted. “It’s been like
walking in someone else’s shoes.”32 Grateful that her health
insurance allowed her proper treatment after her diagnosis,
Myrick shepherded a measure through the House that
provided federally funded treatment for low-income women
diagnosed with breast or cervical cancer. In 2009 she fought
recommendations that women reduce the number of
mammograms they receive because of risks of false positives.33
She encouraged women to have frequent breast cancer
screenings, noting that “when you have a position where
you’re a public figure, you also have a responsibility to use
that in a way, for good.”34 Myrick and New York Democrat
Nita M. Lowey worked together to create an interagency
breast cancer research committee and, as co-chair of the House
Cancer Caucus during the 107th Congress (2001–2003),
Myrick doubled the budget of the National Cancer Institute.35
Myrick passed on chances to run for the Senate and
for governor in 2008, and remained in the House.36 “I’m
working very hard to not get back in the same rat race,”
she noted after returning to work following her cancer
treatment. “Anybody who faces something like this, you
look at the big picture. You look at your life, and you think
about what’s important. What’s important to me is spending
as much time as I can with family.” In February 2012,
Myrick announced she would not seek a tenth term. “I look
forward to a normal life where I don’t work 18 hours a day,
7 days a week,” she mused.37
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