In just one term, Jorge Luis Córdova-Díaz, a lifelong
proponent of Puerto Rican statehood, did more to
transform the office of Resident Commissioner than
nearly all of his predecessors, including his father, Resident
Commissioner Félix Córdova Dávila. In 1970 as the
House overhauled its rules and procedures, Córdova-Díaz pushed for and won the right to vote in committee.
Though still prohibited from voting on the floor, the
Resident Commissioner was able for the first time to
influence the national lawmaking process. Bolstered by
his landmark legislation, Córdova-Díaz did everything he
could to strengthen federal programs on the island, and
his tireless work won him respect from the Caribbean to
Washington. “Mr. Córdova is present on the floor of the
House more than most other Members,” said Republican
Robert McClory of Illinois in 1970, “and he is a most
articulate and knowledgeable representative” of Puerto
Rico’s diverse interests.1
Córdova-Díaz was born in Manatí, Puerto Rico, on
April 20, 1907, to Félix Córdova Dávila and Mercedes
Díaz. As a boy, he attended the island’s public schools,
where he learned English. When Jorge Luis was 10, his
father was elected Resident Commissioner to the U.S.
House of Representatives, and in 1917 the Córdova-Díaz
family moved to Washington, D.C., where Jorge Luis
enrolled in the city’s schools. The Resident Commissioner
allowed his family to speak only Spanish at home, and
Córdova-Díaz’s bilingualism was the start of his political
education.2 Early on, he wrote speeches in English for
his father, accompanying him to House sessions during
the Warren G. Harding, Calvin Coolidge, and Herbert
Hoover administrations.3 He remained in the nation’s capital
for college, graduating with an A.B. from The Catholic
University of America in 1928 and earning a law degree
from Harvard University in 1931. Like his father, Córdova-Díaz returned to Puerto Rico and practiced law, until 1940,
when he was selected to the supreme court of San Juan. In
1945 he was appointed to the bench of the supreme court of
Puerto Rico, a move Resident Commissioner Jesús T. Piñero
of the Partido Popular Democrático (Popular Democratic
Party or PPD) adamantly opposed for political reasons.4
Córdova-Díaz sat on the island’s bench until 1946. He and
his wife, Dora Rodríguez, had four children: Jorge Luis, Jr.;
Elvira; Irene; and Fernando.5
Córdova-Díaz was a loyal advocate for statehood, but
during the buildup to the election of 1960, he helped
found the Partido Acción Cristiana (Christian Action
Party, or PAC), whose ranks included individuals frustrated
by “a government-sponsored recession of morality and
spirituality.”6 Church officials quickly adopted the party’s
mantra.7 Though they reassured the public that its
involvement would not violate the separation of church and
state, many voters were soon unable “to distinguish between
clerical objectives and the broader aspects of the PAC
program,” asserts one historian.8 Like many third parties, the
PAC was short-lived. But in 1960 Córdova-Díaz ran as its
candidate for Resident Commissioner, placing a distant third
with roughly 7 percent of the vote, well behind the victor,
Antonio Fernós-Isern of the Partido Popular Democrático.9
After the election, Córdova-Díaz turned his attention
back to Puerto Rican statehood. As a founding member
of the nonpartisan Citizens for State 51, he was eventually
catapulted back into the island’s political scene.
Not long afterward, Córdova-Díaz joined up with
members of the Partido Nuevo Progresista (New
Progressive Party, or PNP), a pro-statehood faction that
was sensitive to the ambitions of the island’s booming
middle class.10 In 1968 the PNP nominated him for
Resident Commissioner. With the incumbent Resident
Commissioner, Santiago Polanco-Abreu of the PPD, dividing his time between Puerto Rico and Washington,
Córdova-Díaz had a slight advantage during the campaign.
Also in his favor, the PPD was in the middle of an identity
crisis, struggling to craft an agenda after longtime party
leaders had begun stepping aside.11
The 1968 campaign was about form as much as
function; the dominant issue was the role of the Resident
Commissioner. For the last four years, the PPD had
emphasized that the nonvoting position reflected the island’s
unique status as a commonwealth. But the PNP wanted
the Resident Commissioner to have more responsibility,
like the other Members.12 While Polanco-Abreu prioritized
committee hearings and legislation that dealt explicitly
with Puerto Rico, Córdova-Díaz promised to “share in the
concern not only for national and international problems
but also for local matters affecting other congressmen.”13
By inserting Puerto Rico’s interests into an array of mainland
concerns, he planned to compensate for the Resident
Commissioner’s inability to vote on national legislation.
Supporting certain bills would give him more clout when
he asked for help concerning “the problems affecting Puerto
Rico,” he explained.14
Regarding Puerto Rico’s problems, Córdova-Díaz
echoed the PNP’s general platform, taking a long-term
approach to the status question. Anticipating congressional
resistance, he promised the party would not “ask Congress
for statehood until the people have had an opportunity to
decide for themselves in a plebiscite or a referendum.”15
With a healthy respect for the island’s economy, which was
becoming increasingly industrial, Córdova-Díaz favored
a staggered revenue program—with various rates assigned
to different sectors of the financial system—forcing
the businesses with the lowest rates to abide by federal
minimum wage laws. Also hoping to diversify the island’s
agricultural production, he asked farmers to give goods for
local markets priority over exports of sugar and tobacco.16
On Election Day the PNP clinched a signal
victory, taking the governorship, the office of Resident
Commissioner, the Puerto Rican house, and the San
Juan mayor’s office. Pundits struggled to make sense
of the results: “The enormity of what happened here Tuesday night is still sinking in,” wrote the editors of the
San Juan Star. “The depth and desire for change in the
Puerto Rican electorate was underestimated by all the
politicians.” Córdova-Díaz edged out Polanco-Abreu in
the general election by 2 points, taking 43.8 percent of
the vote. “We think Jorge Luis Cordova Diaz … will be
an excellent representative for the island in Washington.
He is an outstanding lawyer, completely bilingual, and
he understand[s] Washington,” the editorial continued.17
Córdova-Díaz’s victory was a long time in the making,
coming after nearly 30 years of one-party control. “I feel
great joy and satisfaction in seeing that at last my people
have awakened and have started to practice democracy,”
Córdova-Díaz said.18 He promised to consult PPD leaders
before taking action on certain pieces of legislation.19
Like the election, the transition for the new Resident
Commissioner was cordial. Polanco-Abreu congratulated
Córdova-Díaz and briefed the new Resident Commissioner
and his staff when they visited Washington after the
election. Also, Polaco-Abreu promised to introduce
Córdova-Díaz later in the year to his new responsibilities
and House colleagues, a courtesy he had not been shown
by his predecessor.20
In the House, Córdova-Díaz was aligned with the
Democrats at the start of the 91st Congress (1969–1971),
sitting on their side of the chamber and being formally
included on the Democratic committee rosters.21 With
the exception of his pro-statehood stance, much of his
agenda echoed his PPD predecessors’. Like them, he was
sent to Congress to ensure that Puerto Rico received its
share of aid from the federal government, an assignment
that grew increasingly difficult amid the island’s growing
prosperity.22 He was placed on the Agriculture, Armed
Services, and Interior and Insular Affairs Committees.
These assignments, which symbolized Puerto Rico’s
main legislative concerns, were traditionally given to
the Resident Commissioner, but since Córdova-Díaz
could neither vote nor accrue seniority in committee,
he was an observer more than anything else.23 Córdova-Díaz nevertheless maintained a furious work schedule,
beginning his day by attending the congressional prayer breakfast with Members from both parties before logging
a reported 16 hours at his office.24 “I’m in the chamber, in
the dining room, in the different groups up here,” he said.25
Córdova-Díaz’s tenure in Washington coincided with
a major effort to reform the structure of the House,
and he took advantage of this internal push for greater
accountability by leveraging an amendment to the
Legislative Reorganization Act of 1970 (H.R. 17654) to
win the right to vote in committee. The Washington Post
highlighted Córdova-Díaz’s daily frustrations, and he
used the publicity to lobby for reforms.26 In September
he made good on a campaign promise, introducing
a revision to House Rule XII during debate on the
Legislative Reorganization Act. The revision allowed the
Resident Commissioner to “be elected to serve on standing
committees in the same manner as Members of the House
and … possess in such committees the same powers
and privileges as the other Members.”27 To Córdova-Díaz’s surprise, Members from both sides supported the
measure. “Let us take away a paper title and afford him
the opportunity to voice the aspirations and hopes of his
people,” said Democrat Shirley Chisholm of New York.
“This is an important and necessary change in the rules of
this body,” responded Ohio Republican Clarence Miller.28
Despite the measure’s success in the House, Córdova-Díaz
felt sure it would fail in the Senate. “I can’t complain that
I’ve been ignored,” he said after the House vote, “but I feel
if the bill is passed [by the Senate] the chances are better
that I’ll be listened to. These department heads are well
aware that I haven’t had the vote and now they’ll realize
that someday they might need me. So I feel they’ll be more
responsive when I ask them for something.”29 With the
Senate’s passage of the amendment in early October, the
office of Resident Commissioner became more powerful
than ever before.30
At the start of the 92nd Congress (1971–1973),
Córdova-Díaz was appointed to the Committee on
Interior and Insular Affairs. His assignments to three
subcommittees—Mines and Mining, National Parks and
Recreation, and Territories—illustrated his efforts to involve
himself as Resident Commissioner in the daily business of the House.31 Córdova-Díaz rarely missed a hearing or a
markup session, and his new ability to vote in committee
necessitated his identification with a party. Córdova-Díaz
chose to align himself with Republicans, who rewarded him
with a seat in the party caucus in 1971. The PNP had no
national affiliation, but with the upcoming election against
the resurgent PPD, any affiliation with House Democrats
could become a political liability.32 Democratic freshman
Herman Badillo, a Puerto Rican-born Member from New
York City, criticized Córdova-Díaz’s decision, arguing in
island newspapers that he had further relinquished power
in a Democratic-controlled House, but Ron de Lugo, the
new Democratic Delegate from the Virgin Islands, was more
sympathetic. “I don’t know what else he could have done,”
he said.33
As a member of the Interior and Insular Affairs
Committee, Córdova-Díaz was in a good position to
advocate for funding for Puerto Rico. The existing laws
prevented Congress from appropriating money to U.S.
territories as it did to states, and since Puerto Ricans paid
no federal income tax, many Members of Congress felt
the practice was justified. In perhaps his most persistent
legislative effort, Córdova-Díaz helped convince his
colleagues to change this arrangement. During debate on
the Economic Opportunity Act (S. 2007), Republican
William Steiger of Wisconsin introduced an amendment
as part of H.R. 10351 that would prioritize federal
programs on the mainland and provide funding for
territories only if there was a surplus. Córdova-Díaz
immediately substituted his amendment “to place Puerto
Rico, Guam, and the Virgin Islands in the same position
as States.” Córdova-Díaz’s amendment garnered bipartisan
support and passed the House 202 to 161 in a teller vote.
Córdova-Díaz reported feeling “wonderful.” “It’s the most
amazing success I’ve had yet in Congress,” he said, “even
more than getting the right to vote in committee.”34 But
President Richard M. Nixon vetoed the final version of
the legislation because he opposed the appropriation of
nearly $2 billion for child development programs.35 Long a
supporter of Puerto Rican statehood, Córdova-Díaz viewed
the veto as a “severe blow” and a major disappointment.36
Córdova-Díaz’s four years in office were marked by
increasingly unstable conditions in Puerto Rico: a sliding
economy, rising prices, government corruption, and
violence in the labor force.37 The political atmosphere in
1972 was so toxic that San Juan’s leading English-language
newspaper refused to endorse candidates from either party.
“The political process in Puerto Rico has been demeaned
to a dangerously low point, there has been a grave clogging
of public business, and grievous injury has been inflicted
on the Puerto Rican spirit,” said an editorial on the front
page of the San Juan Star. “Puerto Rico cannot afford
four more years like the past four years, from either the
standpoint of programs to meet demands or from the
damage done to a people’s conception of itself.”38
While voters directed much of their animosity toward
the gubernatorial candidates, Córdova-Díaz found the
race to be closer than he expected. He was renominated
for Resident Commissioner and faced PPD candidate
Jaime Benítez in the general election. After the House
adjourned in mid-October, Córdova-Díaz returned to
Puerto Rico to campaign, only weeks before the election.
He kept his focus small and tried “to run a more personal
campaign,” visiting towns and communities scattered
throughout the island.39 Córdova-Díaz supported Puerto
Rico’s full participation in federal housing and welfare
programs and remained a steadfast proponent of
statehood.40 Supporters praised his “caliber and sincerity”
and commended his reform efforts in Washington.41
While both candidates supported federal initiatives
in Puerto Rico, Benítez reignited a 1968 debate when
he announced, “The greatest strength of the Resident
Commissioner in the United States lies in his own
exceptional and peculiar responsibility.”42 While Córdova-Díaz had won concessions from Congress during the
last four years, Benítez, like many in the PPD, sought to
redirect federal policy by emphasizing Puerto Rico’s unique
position as a free and associated commonwealth.
Nearly 1.3 million people voted in the 1972 general
election, and when the ballots were tallied, Córdova-Díaz
had lost by more than 7 percent.43 His association with
an island administration that many considered corrupt weighed heavily on his chances for re-election, adding to
the general pro-commonwealth sentiment.44
After his defeat, Córdova-Díaz returned to Puerto Rico.
On September 18, 1994, he died at his home in Guaynabo
at age 87.45 In the House of Representatives Córdova-Díaz
was remembered as “Don Jorge,” a “distinguished leader”
who “epitomized the virtues of a dedicated public servant.”46
View Record in the Biographical Directory of the U.S. Congress
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