After arriving in Washington in 1982, Solomon
P. Ortiz joked that his “sense of direction” had
become his biggest “weakness.” “I went in one
building, went out a different way and had to walk around
the block three times before I figured out where I was,”
he said. Despite at first feeling “overwhelmed by the big
buildings, the marble, the pillars and the responsibility,”
Ortiz earned a reputation as a moderate Democrat who
was comfortable working behind the scenes and as a
tireless champion of his district in southeast Texas. His
ability to voice local concerns in national and international
conversations was a staple of his legislative style in the
House. “Here,” he said shortly before taking the oath of
office, “your vote may have an impact worldwide.”1
Solomon Ortiz’s path to the House began in Robstown,
Texas, known as the “Biggest Little Town” in the state.2
The eldest son of migrant workers, he was born on June
3, 1937.3 His family struggled to make ends meet, and
after his father died he left Robstown Public High School
to work as a printer’s aide at the Robstown Record.4 In
1960 he enlisted in the U.S. Army and earned his general
equivalency degree. The military sent Ortiz to France,
where he learned the language and worked with the
military police. After leaving the Army, Ortiz ran for the
office of county constable back in Nueces, Texas, and
won in an upset.5 It was the year before Congress passed
the Voting Rights Act, and America’s electoral system was
still segregated. “My mother took out a $1,000 loan—a
fortune for a migrant family in 1964—to bankroll my first
campaign,” Ortiz remembered. “The money was mostly to
help offset the poll tax for Hispanic voters whose priority
was putting food on the table for their families.”6 After
three years in the constable’s office, Ortiz won election as
Nueces County commissioner, becoming the first Hispanic
American to sit on the county board. He remained in the commissioner’s office until 1976, when he was elected the
first Hispanic sheriff in county history.7 During his early
political career, Ortiz attended Del Mar College from 1965
to 1967.8 Ortiz and his wife, Irme Roldan, were married in
1970 and had two children together, Yvette and Solomon,
Jr., but the marriage ended in divorce.9
After the 1980 Census, Texas picked up three seats
in the U.S. House.10 One of the new districts, the 27th,
had been drawn to include the region stretching from
Corpus Christi south along the Gulf Coast to the city
of Brownsville at the U.S.-Mexico border. Many of the
district’s residents were Hispanic middle-of-the-road
Democrats, and after federal officials approved Texas’ new
federal congressional map in 1982, Ortiz emerged early in
the race as a front-runner for the new House seat.11
He resigned from the sheriff’s office to campaign fulltime,
and with 17 years’ experience in local and county
politics, he squeaked out a victory in the five-candidate
Democratic primary. In the buildup to the general election,
Ortiz, who was “very popular in South Texas,” rode a
wave of local support.12 “If he’s not elected, it may be a
long time before another Mexican-American has a chance
to be elected to Congress,” worried one supporter.13 The
health of the U.S. economy weighed heavily on the race.
Ortiz breezed through the general election; the district’s
Democratic majority gave him a 30,000-vote victory,
and he took 64 percent of the total vote.14 “People want
to work and they can’t find jobs so they turned to the
Democrats for help,” Ortiz said after the election.15 Over
the next 13 election cycles, Ortiz faced little opposition,
and he ran unopposed in the general elections of 1986,
1988, and 1990. It was not until 1996 that he again faced
opposition in the Democratic primary.16
From his first day in office, Ortiz seemed to have kept
one foot planted firmly in his district. The Democratic leadership assigned him to the Armed Services and the
Merchant Marine and Fisheries Committees to support
Ortiz as he worked on behalf of the numerous military bases
and vital fishing communities in the 27th District. In the
winter of 1983 he joined the Select Committee on Narcotics
Abuse and Control and remained on the panel until
the House disbanded it a decade later. When the House
abolished the Merchant Marine and Fisheries Committee
in the early 1990s, Ortiz transferred to the Resources
Committee. In the 111th Congress (2009–2011), he joined
the Transportation and Infrastructure Committee.17
Never having served as a legislator, Ortiz felt out of place
initially; Cold War arms policy usually “didn’t matter to
a sheriff,” he said in 1982. “A sheriff puts in jail a person
violating the law.”18 As a U.S. Representative, however, Ortiz
was responsible for creating laws instead of enforcing them.
The junior Member from Texas quickly earned
a reputation as a centrist, a “Democratic fence-sitter,”
according to the Wall Street Journal. He often went out on
a limb for his district, appealing to foreign governments
and businesses to protect the interests of his constituents,
especially those in the shrimp industry.19 Because his
district shared a border with Mexico, Ortiz had a unique
perspective on immigration and on America’s economic
relationship with Latin America. In 1986, for instance,
while the House and Senate considered reforms to the
country’s immigration policy, Ortiz, whose district had
become a major entry point into the United States, voted
for a measure that other Hispanic Representatives deemed
too strict arguing that later attempts to reform immigration
policy might result in an even harsher bill.20 When those
attempts occurred, in the mid-1990s, Ortiz implored his
colleagues not to lose sight of the broader national picture:
“The greatest danger to an immigration debate in this
country is the merging and confusing of issues concerning
legal and illegal immigration.… As [a] Representative of
a border district, I am uniquely aware of the burden that
illegal immigration poses on local communities.”21 He
continued to champion immigration reform over the years,
with the caveat that enforcing and strengthening America’s
borders needed to be done “in a responsible way.”22
Ortiz made it a point to learn his colleagues’ names and
positions, and his personality endeared him to Democrats
and Republicans alike, according to one of his closest
aides.23 He served as co-chairman of the House Border
Caucus, and at the start the 102nd Congress (1991–1993)
he was elected chairman of the Congressional Hispanic
Caucus (CHC), a major assignment since Hispanic voters
were becoming increasingly powerful nationwide.24 The
1992 election, which Ortiz won by 13 percent, was a
watershed year for minority representation. “I think we’ll
have a stronger voice, a louder voice,” he said. Ortiz was
a bridge builder; he worked to shape partnerships with
non-Hispanic Members and other caucuses, especially
those with similar legislative concerns. Calling the CHC’s
platform “an American agenda,” he noted, “The problems
we face as Hispanics will be the same—housing, jobs and
health care.”25
Despite his growing national profile, Ortiz’s primary
concern was the interests of his district. By 1993, Ortiz
had accrued enough seniority to be named chairman
of the Merchant Marine and Fisheries Committee’s
Subcommittee on Oceanography, Gulf of Mexico, and
the Outer Continental Shelf. That year he also secured
funding for military bases along the Gulf in exchange
for supporting President William J. (Bill) Clinton’s
national budget—another testament to his growing
influence.26 He pushed back against later attempts
by officials in the Clinton administration to privatize
defense projects in his district and opposed a plan that
would have required a hefty deposit for travel to and
from Mexico.27 By his 1996 campaign, Ortiz assessed
his congressional tenure as “productive and effective,”
emphasizing his ability to steer new jobs to the 27th
District while protecting existing industry.28 After 14
years in the House, Ortiz remained committed to the
aspirations he had expressed as a Member-elect. “We
have great responsibilities here,” he said in 1997. “I
just hope … we can focus on the issues that are good for America and my constituents.”29
In 1992, Ortiz began a legislative battle that lasted
nearly six years. The discovery that babies in South Texas were being born with a high incidence of anencephaly,
the failure of part or all of the brain to develop, prompted
repeated investigations and underscored the need for more
medical research. Though Ortiz had support in the CHC
and in the Senate, the Birth Defects Prevention Act of 1992
(H.R. 5531), which he introduced on July 1, never made
it out of committee.30 In mid-March 1997, bolstered by
more than 160 co-sponsors, Ortiz introduced his bill again
(H.R. 1114), seven days after the Republicans introduced
companion legislation in the Senate (S. 419). The measure
provided for the creation of medical centers to study
regional birth defects; the findings would be centralized in
a national clearinghouse managed by the Center for Disease
Control. Because the Senate passed its version of the bill in
only four months, House leadership tabled Ortiz’s measure
and moved forward with the Senate’s language. The Texas
lawmaker’s response was typical. “I don’t care about credit,”
he reportedly said. “The important thing is to get the bill
passed.”31 In a testament to Ortiz’s leadership, the House
voted 405 to 2 in favor of the Birth Defects Prevention Act,
which was signed into law April 21, 1998.32
Ortiz had always looked out for the military personnel
in his district, but veterans’ issues and the state of America’s
armed forces became major priorities toward the end of his
House career. He fought for better health care, support,
training, equipment, and services for the military.33 “The
soldiers we send forth in today’s war on terrorism are
tomorrow’s veterans,” Ortiz said in 2003. “As liberty must
be defended, the population of veterans in the United
States and south Texas will continue to grow,” making it
incumbent upon the U.S. Congress to create and maintain
an infrastructure to support future generations of military
personnel.34 When the Democrats regained control of the
House in 2009, Ortiz became chairman of the Armed
Services Committee’s Readiness Subcommittee.
In 2010, Ortiz lost his re-election bid to Corpus Christi
Republican Blake Farenthold. Ortiz ran on the strength of
his productivity in the House, but the struggling economy
and anti-incumbent sentiment sweeping the country that
year made for a grueling campaign. Although Election Day
results indicated that Ortiz had lost by only 800 votes, a recount, which took nearly three weeks, failed to give him
the lead.35
During his 28 years in the House, Ortiz tended to
keep a low profile, shying away from the limelight. But
as one colleague noted, he “fought tirelessly to bring jobs
and enhance the quality of life for residents of the Bay of
Corpus Christi to the international border with Mexico.”36
Late in 2007 on the House Floor, Ortiz reflected on
his upbringing and its effect on his political career. “It
was in Robstown where my mother taught me my most
important lesson: to always serve the community that
gave you so many opportunities growing up,” he said. “To
whom much is given, much is expected.”37 After leaving
the House, Ortiz returned to South Texas.
View Record in the Biographical Directory of the U.S. Congress
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