A longtime suffragist with strong ties to New York politics
and First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt, Caroline O’Day was
an unwavering supporter of New Deal legislation and a
fervent pacifist during her four terms in the House. Once,
when asked what she would do if the United States became
embroiled in a war, she declared, “I would just kiss my
children good-bye and start off for Leavenworth.”1
Those
convictions changed, however, when O’Day realized the
aims of Nazi Germany.
Caroline Love Goodwin was born on June 22, 1875,
on a plantation in Perry, Georgia, daughter of Sidney Prior
Goodwin and Elia Warren. Caroline Goodwin graduated
from the Lucy Cobb Institute in Athens, Georgia, and
for eight years studied art in Paris (with James McNeill
Whistler), Munich, and Holland, and briefly at the Cooper
Union. In 1902 she married Daniel T. O’Day, son of a
Standard Oil Company executive, whom she met in Europe.
They settled in Rye, New York, and had three children: Elia,
Daniel, and Charles.
Caroline O’Day first became interested in politics after
witnessing a suffrage parade with her husband, who turned
to his wife and asked why she wasn’t marching with the
procession.2
She later joined the Westchester (New York) League of Women Voters, where she became an officer and
first met Eleanor Roosevelt. After the death of her husband
in 1916, Caroline O’Day dedicated herself to improving
the lives of working-class poor in the inner city. She served
on the board of directors and volunteered at Lillian Wald’s
Henry Street Settlement on Manhattan’s Lower East Side. A
pacifist who opposed U.S. entry into World War I, O’Day
became vice chair of the Women’s International League for
Peace and Freedom. In 1917 she joined Jeannette Rankin
of Montana in support of the enfranchisement of New
York women. Her first political appointment came in
1921 when New York Governor Alfred E. Smith named
her to the state board of social welfare, supervising care for
dependent juveniles. In 1923 O’Day became associate chair
of the New York state Democratic Committee and directed
its women’s division—holding both positions until her
death. She traversed New York, logging more than 8,000
miles with Eleanor Roosevelt and other women leaders
to organize voters. As a reward, the party appointed her
chair of the New York delegation to the 1924 Democratic
National Convention.3
Together, O’Day and Roosevelt
led delegations of women to Albany to press the legislature
to adopt Governor Smith’s programs. She worked for Smith’s presidential campaign in 1928 and for Franklin D.
Roosevelt’s successful 1932 campaign. After Roosevelt’s
inauguration, O’Day was named New York’s director of the
National Recovery Administration.
O’Day’s 1934 race for one of two New York At-Large seats in the U.S. House of Representatives drew
national attention because of the candidate’s highly placed
supporter: First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt.4
O’Day secured
the nomination when Roosevelt allies ousted the first-term
incumbent, John Fitzgibbons (former mayor of Oswego)
from the ticket, citing his insufficient support for New Deal
initiatives.5
Eleanor Roosevelt backed O’Day and, in the
process, became the first First Lady to actively campaign for
a congressional candidate—making a half dozen speeches
and even chairing her campaign committee.6
GOP leaders
were incensed at the break with tradition and labeled
O’Day as a “Yes” vote for the Roosevelt administration.
Eleanor Roosevelt defended her actions on personal and
political grounds.7
“I am doing this as an individual,” she
said. “I believe in certain things, and . . . I feel I am justified
in making this effort in my own state, because I know
its problems.”8
While Republicans howled at Eleanor Roosevelt’s
involvement, O’Day’s principal opponent, Nyack lawyer
Natalie F. Couch, refused to go on the attack and stuck
to a vague nine-point platform that promised to fight
unemployment and support “humane” public relief
programs while balancing the federal budget.9
O’Day’s
platform stressed better wages and working conditions for
laborers, strong support for federal intervention to relieve
the effects of the Great Depression, and the need to involve
women in local and national government.10 O’Day also
tapped into a state network of Democratic women’s groups
and arranged for prominent national women’s figures to
canvass New York on her behalf. Self-styled as the “Flying
Squadron,” the group included such luminaries as the
aviator Amelia Earhart (O’Day’s Rye neighbor), Elizabeth
Wheeler (daughter of Montana Senator Burton Kendall
Wheeler), and Josephine Roche, a prominent Colorado
politician.11 O’Day topped a slate of 12 candidates with
27.6 percent of the vote, just barely ahead of Democrat
Matthew Joseph Merritt and only a few percentage points
in front of Couch. O’Day’s platform had broad appeal
for Depression-Era New Yorkers: “Higher standards for
wage earners, adequate relief at lowest cost to the taxpayer,
a sound policy, and wider opportunity for women in government.”12 The GOP ran women candidates in the next
three elections in unsuccessful attempts to unseat O’Day.
None could close O’Day’s and Merritt’s several-hundred-thousand-vote margins.13
Once in the House, O’Day received assignments on the
Immigration and Naturalization Committee and on the
Insular Affairs Committee. She also chaired the Committee
on the Election of the President, Vice President, and
Representatives in Congress from 1937 to 1943. She, along
with Representatives Mary T. Norton of New Jersey and
Isabella Greenway of Arizona, was one of the most popular
and recognizable women in Congress. O’Day’s trademark
was her collection of hand fans. Known as “The Lady of the
Fans,” she carried them into committee hearings and onto
the House Floor.14
Congresswoman O’Day’s first passion was the pursuit of
world peace. Her affiliation with the group World Peaceways
led O’Day to propose several measures she believed would
deter world conflict: the adoption of a national referendum
to allow voters to decide for or against a war; federal
government control of the arms industry; and a government-backed educational campaign about the horrors of war.
Women played a particularly important role in the protest
movement, O’Day noted, because as mothers they “pay
the first and greatest cost of war.”15 She represented the
Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom at
the International Conference for the Maintenance of Peace
in Buenos Aires, Argentina, in 1936.16 She was concerned
with the prospect of “total war,” in which civilian targets—
urban and industrial, in particular—were as important to
strategists as traditional military targets. The Spanish Civil
War, then raging in Spain, as well as Japanese and Nazi
tactics in the opening years of World War II, would confirm
O’Day’s fears. O’Day urged that the United States and
other nations adopt a “standard of ethics” that would outlaw
mass killings.17
O’Day’s work extended beyond pacifist principles.
National security, she observed, derived from stable
domestic life.18 She was a staunch supporter of the New
Deal and looked to advance the cause of labor and children’s
issues. O’Day’s first major legislative victory was in winning
the delay of the deportation of 2,600 immigrants (many of
them with children who had citizenship rights in the United
States), pending a thorough review by Congress.19 She
helped attach a child labor amendment to the 1936 Walsh–Healy Act, which set employment standards for federal contracts, and to the 1938 Fair Labor Standards Act, which
fixed minimum wages for employment. The Congresswoman
also called for a dramatic expansion of the government’s aid
to the dependent children program, which she described as a
“national investment.”20 In 1940 O’Day urged colleagues to
adopt federal aid programs for migrant workers, especially for
children of migrants, who often toiled in the fields alongside
their parents.21 O’Day also fought to keep funding for federal
arts projects in theater, music, and writing, initiated by the
Works Progress Administration.22
Representative O’Day consistently championed progressive
civil rights causes. She supported an anti-lynching bill that
came before Congress in 1935, noting that “I have been
interested in the efforts Southern women have been making
to curb this horrible thing.”23 She backed a 1937 version
of the bill that passed the House. She also criticized the
Daughters of the American Revolution in 1939 when they
refused to allow African-American singer Marian Anderson
to perform at Constitution Hall. In 1939 O’Day opposed
legislation to create detention camps for foreign nationals, a
plan that foreshadowed later wartime internment camps for
Japanese Americans. She derided the bill as “a negation of
every idea and policy and principle that our country holds
dear.”24 Her suffrage background and her tireless work on
behalf of underrepresented minorities, however, did not
translate into support for an equal rights amendment. Like
many of her women colleagues, O’Day publicly rejected
the idea, fearing that it would undermine protective laws
she had helped implement for single women and working
mothers in the labor force.25
Her pacifist views threatened to bring her into open
conflict with the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration as
America’s entry into World War II grew imminent. O’Day
opposed modification of the Neutrality Acts to authorize
arms sales to nations at war with Nazi Germany and voted
against the 1940 Selective Training and Service Act. She
lashed out against the U.S. military as the “most powerful
lobby in the nation.”26 Eventually, however, when Nazi
forces overran Western Europe and intensified atrocities
against Jews and other minorities in Germany and the
occupied countries, O’Day changed her position. She
supported increased armaments for the American military.
After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7,
1941, Congress voted overwhelmingly to declare war on
Japan. O’Day, who by that time suffered from a chronic
long-term illness, was absent for the vote. She later told House colleagues that, had she been present, she would have
voted for the war resolution. “Japan, Germany, and Italy
have decided the issue of peace or war,” O’Day said.27
Poor health brought O’Day’s career to a premature
end. Her 1940 election had been carried on largely by her
daughter, Elia, who made campaign appearances for her
convalescing mother. O’Day declined to run for a fifth
term in 1942, after she suffered complicating injuries from
a fall. She was succeeded by Republican Winnifred Claire
Stanley, who prevailed against Democratic candidate Flora
Dufour Johnson in the 1942 general elections. O’Day died
on January 4, 1943, a day after the end of her congressional
service.28 In observing O’Day’s popularity among her House
colleagues, the Washington Post eulogized her as “a firm friend,
a cultivated companion, and a conscientious public servant.”29
View Record in the Biographical Directory of the U.S. Congress
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