With his election to the U.S. House in 1964,
Kika de la Garza broke through the barrier
of Anglo-American political dominance
in his South Texas district. The first Hispanic to chair
a standing committee in the House since 1945, he
steadfastly promoted programs to strengthen and support
the country’s agricultural sector throughout his 32-year
tenure in Congress.1 “There is a tremendous gap between
the consumer and the fellow who rides on the tractor
or who is picking the fruit,” de la Garza said. “I would
like to be remembered as the chairman … [who was] a
factor in legislative programs in bringing together groups
that represent agriculture, the farmers and ranchers and
consumers—that somehow each one would admit that he
couldn’t exist without the other.”2
Eligio (Kika) de la Garza II was born September 22,
1927, in Mercedes, Hidalgo County, Texas, to Darío de la
Garza and Elisa Villarreal. Descended from Spanish land
grantees, his family had lived in South Texas since the first
part of the 18th century. Kika was educated at Our Lady of
Guadalupe Catholic School and Mission High School and
served in the U.S. Navy from 1945 to 1946. He continued
his education at Edinburg Junior College and the U.S. Army
Field Artillery School in Fort Sill, Oklahoma. From 1950
to 1952 he served in the U.S. Army, fighting in the Korean
War as a second lieutenant with the 37th Division Artillery.
De la Garza earned a law degree from St. Mary’s University
in San Antonio after he was discharged from the army and
later received an honorary Doctor of Law degree from the
same institution.3 He married Lucille Alamia, and the couple
raised three children, Jorge, Michael, and Angela.4
De la Garza began his political career after he returned
from his army service in Korea, winning election to the
Texas house of representatives in 1951.5 He served in that
body from 1952 to 1964.6 During his tenure in the Texas house, he was involved in the absorption of Pan American
University into the University of Texas system and in the
creation of the Texas Water Commission and a coastal
wetlands preserve. He was also influential in establishing
the nation’s first state-run system of English instruction for
preschool children.7 Additionally, de la Garza was employed
during this time by a law firm, as the Texas legislature met
only for a total of four months every two years.8
In 1964 five-term Democratic Representative Joe Kilgore of Texas announced his intent to retire from the
U.S. House of Representatives. His district encompassed the
southernmost portion of Texas, bordering Mexico, and most
of the population was concentrated along the Rio Grande.
The majority of his constituents were Hispanics who were
predominantly employed in irrigation or in farming cotton
and produce. In many instances, large numbers of poor
Mexican-American farmhands were financially dependent
on a single landowner. This large Hispanic population
ensured that the district would consistently vote Democratic
in national elections, but the region’s political structure
was dominated by the powerful, more conservative Anglo
ranchers, bankers, and lawyers in Brownsville, Harlingen,
McAllen, Edinburg, and Mission.9
As Kilgore prepared to step down, de la Garza and fellow
state representative Lindsey Rodriguez prepared to secure
the Democratic nomination for the open seat. An ardent
supporter of President Lyndon B. Johnson, Rodriguez
was significantly more liberal than de la Garza. With the
backing of the Political Association of Spanish-Speaking
Organizations (PASSO), Rodriguez characterized de la Garza
as disconnected from the needs of poor Hispanics in the
district and as a puppet for Anglo business interests. Despite
Rodriguez’s attacks, de la Garza won Kilgore’s endorsement
and significantly outraised his opponent, cruising to a
primary victory by a margin of nearly two to one. With a solidly Democratic constituency behind him, he easily
defeated his Republican opponent, veterinarian Joe
Coulter from Brownsville, with 69 percent of the vote.10 De
la Garza became the first Mexican American to represent
the region and the second Mexican American from Texas
to be elected to Congress, after Representative Henry B. González from San Antonio. De la Garza was re-elected by
considerable margins throughout his tenure in the House,
securing at least 70 percent of the vote in the 1966 to 1990
elections. In 1992 he received 60 percent of the vote, and in
the Republican wave of 1994, he won with 59 percent.11
On January 4, 1965, Eligio de la Garza became a
Member of the 89th Congress (1965–1967). He was
given a seat on the Agriculture Committee, where he
served for the rest of his congressional career. He sat on
the Merchant, Marine and Fisheries Committee during
the 92nd to the 96th Congresses (1971–1981) and on
the International Relations Committee during the 95th
Congress (1977–1979).12
De la Garza’s primary focus was agriculture, and he
used his seat on the Agriculture Committee to further
the interests of his rural constituency. In the 1960s the
salinity of the Rio Grande was a matter of great importance
to his district, as crops were being destroyed as a result
of irrigation drainage in Mexico that increased the level
of salt in the lower portion of the river. De la Garza
introduced H.R. 11880, which divided the responsibility
for maintaining the river between the two countries. “This
is the type of legislation, Mr. Speaker, that I favor,” he said
on the House Floor shortly before its passage. “Where
two nations share jointly the costs of a project, and where
the local people also share. This is truly democracy at
work; this is truly the good neighbor policy at work.”13 In
the 90th Congress (1967–1969), de la Garza was named
chairman of the Agriculture Committee’s Departmental
Operations Subcommittee, which he led through the 96th
Congress (1979–1981).14 De la Garza worked throughout
his career to pass legislation that would benefit sugar
and cotton farmers, such as the Sugar Act Amendments
of 1971 and the Emergency Agricultural Act of 1978,
which included an amendment authored by de la Garza to raise rates for cotton loans from 44 to 48 cents.15 He
successfully amended the Food and Agricultural Act of
1977 to establish a support program for sugar prices that
was similar to the government’s support program for the
prices of commodities such as milk and honey.16 Speaking
in support of the amendment on the House Floor, he said,
“[The] situation is this: The sugar industry in the United
States is in very serious, drastic circumstances because of
the chaotic situation that the sugar industry finds itself in
throughout the world … this is a small attempt to assist
the American producer to just hold his head above water.”17
De la Garza also worked to further the influence and
visibility of Hispanic Americans in Congress. In 1976
he joined with Herman Badillo of New York, Henry B.
González of Texas, Edward R. Roybal of California, and
Puerto Rican Resident Commissioner Baltasar Corrada-del Río to form the Congressional Hispanic Caucus
(CHC). De la Garza served as chairman of the caucus
from 1989 to 1991, when the Hispanic community was
becoming more politically diverse. While Hispanics had
traditionally been affiliated with the Democratic Party
in the 20th century, Representative Ileana Ros-Lehtinen
of Florida and Delegate Ben Blaz of Guam were elected
as Republicans in the 1980s. “The fact is the Hispanic
community politically is a spectrum from right to left, like
any other community,” de la Garza said. He suggested that
the Hispanic community could operate like a European
parliamentary system, with distinct divergent blocs
forming coalitions on core issues. In the end, “jobs are
jobs, and homes are homes, and schools are schools,” he
said.18 However, like fellow Texan Henry B. González, de
la Garza did not seek membership in the CHC to legislate
solely for the Hispanic community. “There are people here
in Washington, for example, who make a living of ethnic
legislation,” de la Garza said. “But [if ] a fellow doesn’t have
a job, I try to get him a job whether his name is González
or Smith.”19 De la Garza and González had also declined to
attend the 1971 Brown Power Meeting that predated the
CHC because they believed isolating “Hispanic” issues was
an ineffective way to secure Latino rights and equality.20
De la Garza’s votes for key civil rights legislation evidenced his egalitarianism; he voted in favor of the Voting Rights
Act of 1965 (and its extensions in 1970 and 1975), the
Elementary and Secondary Education Amendments of
1967, and the Civil Rights Restoration Act of 1987.21
At the opening of the 97th Congress (1981–1983),
Agriculture Chairman Thomas Foley of Washington
stepped down to serve as Democratic Whip, and de
la Garza was the expected successor. Many younger
Democrats on the committee, including subcommittee
chairmen, supported Ed Jones of Tennessee, viewing de la
Garza as an “autocratic hatchetman for Foley” who would
not defer to the subcommittees. But the Democratic
Caucus rejected the effort to scuttle de la Garza in a vote
of 110 to 92.22 “Be calm. Be courteous,” Foley counseled
de la Garza as the Texan prepared to accept the Agriculture
Committee gavel.23 Throughout his tenure as chairman, de
la Garza sought to foster a conciliatory and collaborative
environment among the committee members. He allowed
subcommittees considerable latitude to craft legislation
within their specialties, often sitting in on hearings to
educate himself on the issues. “[H]e has been completely
fair and balanced in handling the committee,” commented
Representative Jim Weaver of Oregon, who chaired the
Forests, Family Farms, and Energy Subcommittee.24
Chairman de la Garza was tested early on when the
Agriculture Committee crafted the 1981 farm legislation.
Constrained by budgetary caps, and by a presidential
veto if Congress exceeded the caps, de la Garza was at the
center of intense negotiations, particularly regarding price
support.25 After the House passed a $16.2 billion measure
by a 192 to 160 vote, the House and Senate struggled to
close the $6 billion divide between their proposals.26 “This
is perhaps one of the most difficult moments I have had in
my legislative career, which is some 28 years,” de la Garza
lamented as he introduced the final $11 billion omnibus
bill that had been crafted through conference committee.27
The legislation passed the House 205 to 203.28 De la Garza
also effectively used his chairmanship to form coalitions
opposing cuts in agricultural spending proposed by the
Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush administrations.
De la Garza defeated two such measures that were being considered as part of the 1990 Food and Agricultural
Resources Act; one barred subsidies to farmers earning
more than $100,000 annually, and the other reduced the
price support per pound of sugar by 2 cents. Likening such
measures to “sending a mechanic who works on diesels to
do brain surgery,” he proclaimed that supporting agriculture
was necessary for American prosperity.29 On the House
Floor, de la Garza declared, “So the bottom line is, it is jobs
in the United States of America, farmers in the United States
of America.… You cannot cut it anymore. You cannot hide
it anymore. It is jobs, jobs, jobs in the USA.”30
De la Garza was also on the front lines crafting
multibillion-dollar disaster relief legislation. By July 1988,
43 percent of the country was suffering from one of the
worst droughts in the nation’s history. As co-chairman of
the Congressional Drought Relief Task Force, de la Garza
urged Congress to provide relief. “We want to give these
farmers hope,” he said.31 He then guided through the
chamber a $3.9 billion relief bill, stressing the positive
effects of the legislation. “We provide help for the farmer
now, because by helping him, we help all of our rural
citizens. There is an interdependence between the farmer,
the agri-businessman and all others who go to make up the
fabric of rural America,” he said.32
De la Garza’s efforts to protect the agriculture industry
extended to the debates on immigration reform that
took place in the 1980s. An initial immigration reform
package faltered in 1983, largely because of the Hispanic
Caucus’s influence. When the Immigration Control and
Legalization Amendments Act of 1986 (H.R. 3810) was
brought to the House Floor, de la Garza sponsored an
amendment to prohibit immigration officials from entering
agricultural operations without a search warrant or the
owner’s consent.33 “[Fourth Amendment] constitutional
protections are applicable to persons conducting businesses
in office buildings and it is not apparent why persons
conducting businesses in fields are less deserving of this
basic constitutional benefit,” de la Garza said when
he introduced his amendment. “This amendment is
particularly important … because it will ensure that
farming operations will not be disrupted by broad scale, random raids. Work stoppages are very costly to the farmer,
especially when the crops need harvesting in a timely
manner.”34 The amendment was adopted by a 221 to 170
vote.35 De la Garza voted against the final bill, however.
In the 103rd Congress (1993–1995), de la Garza was
at the center of efforts by the William J. (Bill) Clinton
administration to reorganize the federal government,
including the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) and
the Federal Crop Insurance Group. While he supported the
administration’s objectives, de la Garza opposed efforts to
reduce the federal deficit solely by cutting agriculture. Yet
he acknowledged that the complexity of the department
and its agencies were leading to severe inefficiencies.
“People have to wait for months to get the department to
say yea or nay. Somehow there appears to be a breakdown
in communications,” he said. De la Garza backed the
administration’s proposals to reduce employment, close or
consolidate field offices, and merge department agencies,
believing it was vital “to consolidate, to streamline, and
to make, in 1994, the Department of Agriculture [that]
President Lincoln wanted it to be in 1862.”36
In 1993 de la Garza lobbied forcefully for passage of
the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA),
arguing that the trade deal would increase the nation’s
agricultural trade surplus. “Open access to the Mexican
market will lock in the export gains we have won and allow
trade growth to continue,” he argued. “NAFTA is in the
best economic interests of most family farmers here in the
United States and for the vast majority of our agriculture-related
businesses.”37 While the majority of Hispanics from
the Southwest supported the trade agreement, Members
of Congress representing Puerto Rico, Cuban-American
constituencies, and some Mexican-American constituencies
opposed the agreement for economic and foreign policy
reasons. Florida Representatives Lincoln Diaz-Balart and
Ros-Lehtinen, for example, who were of Cuban descent,
opposed the agreement because they objected to Mexico’s
cordial relationship with the Fidel Castro regime in Cuba.
Representative Robert Menendez of New Jersey, who was
also of Cuban descent, opposed the agreement because he
believed it did nothing to protect American jobs and would encourage companies to invest outside the United States.38
The 1995 shift in the House majority ended de la Garza’s
14-year chairmanship of the Agriculture Committee—the second longest in that panel’s history.39 In the 104th Congress (1995–1997) he served as the ranking Democrat
on the committee. While in the minority, de la Garza
opposed Republican efforts to transition the nation’s
agricultural business to a market-driven industry by ending
the federal government’s 60-year-old subsidy program.
The proposal sought to cut $13.4 billion in farm subsidies
and to free producers to choose their own crops. However,
de la Garza and many of his fellow Democrats, as well as
farm-state Republicans, were apprehensive about how the
plan would affect farmers.40 “Farmers in every region of
this country have very grave concerns” about this “sudden
and dramatic abandonment by the government of its
role in sharing the farmers’ risk,” de la Garza cautioned.41
Although he opposed the portion of the Republican
welfare reform plan that would cut billions from the food
stamp program, he was not wholly opposed to Republican
initiatives. Viewed in the House as a conservative
lawmaker, de la Garza frequently aligned himself with
conservative Democrats and Republicans. He introduced a
constitutional amendment for a balanced budget in every
Congress since his election, except for the 98th (1983–1985), and he introduced a constitutional amendment
to allow prayer in schools in every Congress since the
90th (1967–1969).42 While no Democratic Congress was
willing to pursue these amendments, Republicans made
the balanced budget amendment a pillar of their agenda.
“I’ve always been one to say that sometimes the impossible
just takes a little longer,” de la Garza remarked.43
On December 18, 1995, de la Garza announced his
intent to retire from the House at the close of the 104th
Congress in January 1997, expressing his desire to continue
performing public service in the private sector. “I feel I can
continue outside of elective office to make a contribution,”
he said. “There are many more things I would like to do
and I want to do them while I am in good health and young
enough.”44 Referred to as “a Secretary of State of Agriculture,”
de la Garza demonstrated a commitment to American agriculture that was recognized on the House Floor by his
colleagues’ remarks celebrating his retirement.45 In his honor,
the USDA created the Kika de la Garza fellowship and
designated its Subtropical Agricultural Research Center the
Kika de la Garza Subtropical Agricultural Research Center.
De la Garza also received the Texas Agricultural Lifetime
Achievement Award.46
Kika de la Garza died at the age of 89, on March 13, 2017, in McAllen, Texas.47
View Record in the Biographical Directory of the U.S. Congress
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